America’s public engagement in this environment should — and will — focus less upon al-Qaeda and more on building broad support for American foreign policy goals, establishing long-term foundations of trust and mutual respect, supporting engagement with potential adversaries, and moving beyond the counter-productive binary oppositions and threat inflation which have blocked progress for so many years.
-Marc Lynch, Beyond ‘Violent Extremism’, May 8, 2009
I agree with Lynch that American public diplomacy should change, but I lack faith that it will change. Efforts to dilute threat inflation or breakdown binaries will most likely be short lived. Humans are prone to do whatever it takes to ensure their own survival. Recent history shows (Japanese Internment, Torture after 9/11) that when faced with their own mortality, people are often fickle with their morality and are prone to accept rash decisions in the pursuit of safety.
Let’s start a thought experiment. How does Obama respond to another mass casualty terror attack on U.S. soil. Note the question is not how should, but how would the government respond. In 2006, Philip H. Gordon, a senior fellow at Brookings, provides a potential answer in Foreign Affairs:
If a U.S. city were hit by a chemical or biological terrorist attack leading to mass casualties, more Americans might come around to the view that the United States is in fact “at war” and that the [Bush] administration’s aggressive efforts to “change the world” are “worth it.” Bombing Iran in order to prevent it from acquiring nuclear weapons would probably seem rash and counterproductive to most Americans today, but in the wake of a nuclear or even a “dirty bomb” attack that killed large numbers of Americans, the calculation about the risks of nuclear proliferation might look very different. A WMD attack might even provide retrospective justification for the Iraq war, reinforcing the notion that the United States cannot risk not acting in the face of a potential threat of proliferation.
This scenario reads as highly plausible during the Obama administration, especially if you substitute Iran with Pakistan. The challenge faced by those arguing for increased global engagement is how to build bonds of trust with adversarial nations that can both withstand a future terror attack and help diffuse potentially misguided acts of retaliation.
There is no easy way to go about making this a reality, but the discussion must start from this premise. Even if there are no future terror attacks against the United States, initially assuming that a rapid rise in public distrust of difference will occur again allows for a more comprehensive engagement strategy.
To begin, I look to the under appreciated, at least in the United States, anthropologist René Girard. Roberto Farneti, an assistant professor of Politics at the Free University of Bozen/Bolzano, wrote about Girad’s theories of violence in Theory & Event. He writes:
It is difficult Girard’s “mimetic theory” entails that mimetic desire is bound to generate dynamics of scapegoating so long as the people involved remain unaware of the mimetic, namely, non-rational and non-reflective nature of their actions. One of the key-assumptions of Girard’s theory is that “violence operates without a reason” (46), and that the mimetic, that is, non subject-based, impulses driving the mimetic rivals against each other have no cognitive access to the actual sources of their behaviour. Violence, therefore, seems to succeed in dissimulating its actual motivational springs. Furthermore, it does not feed on “reasons,” which will start playing a major cognitive role only after the people involved in the mimetic conflict have already targeted each other as potential rivals.
The challenge facing public diplomats is to remind people of the reasons for why violence fails. Scapegoating will be stymied when confronted with rational discussion. Establishing trust between nations requires moderates in both nations to speak out and counter demagoguery. Engagement requires debating those forces at home that want to hinder cross-cultural understanding.


Former Undersecretary of State for Public Diplomacy Glassman 

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